Precariousness an Quality of Life in Times of Crisis A longitudinal qualitative perspective on Switzerland and Spain

Transcription

1 RC55 Mid-term conference on Long-term trends in Quality of Life Session B1: What got better what got worse? Who are the winners and losers of societal development? The Hague September 12, 2013 Rebekka Sieber Monica Budowski Sebastian Schief Precariousness an Quality of Life in Times of Crisis A longitudinal qualitative perspective on Switzerland and Spain

2 Structure 1. Introduction and context 2. Research question 3. Concepts and theses 4. Empirical analysis 5. Conclusion

3 Introduction n The economic crisis influences the quality of life of people living in the EU (Anderson et al. 2012). n Welfare states structure the opportunities of the households and their ability to deal with the crisis (Budowski and Schief 2014, forthcoming). n Socio-economic security plays a substantial role for quality of life (Ruesga Benito et al. 2013, Wood 2006, Geissler 2007, Schöneck et al 2011).

4 Introduction Welfare Regime Communities Households and Families Markets State

5 Introduction Spain n was hit hard by the crisis and is still suffering from the devastating consequences. n Mediterranean/conservative welfare state n Distrust towards the welfare state (Anderson et al. 2012) Switzerland n coped relatively well with the financial crisis and recovered soon. n Liberal/conservative welfare regime n Welfare state as lender of last resort (Amacker, Budowski and Schief 2013)

6 Introduction ESS life satisfaction 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% High Middle Low 20% 10% 0% Low Middle High Low Middle High Low Middle High Low Middle High Spain Switzerland Spain Switzerland

7 Introduction ESS happiness 100% 90% 80% 70% 60% 50% 40% 30% High Middle Low 20% 10% 0% Low Middle High Low Middle High Low Middle High Low Middle High Spain Switzerland Spain Switzerland

8 Structure 1. Introduction and context 2. Research question 3. Concepts and theses 4. Empirical analysis 5. Conclusion

9 Research question How do households in precarious prosperity experience their quality of life, in particular regarding work and income? To what extent do they perceive their situation to be due to the economic crisis? What role does the (contextualized) welfare regime play regarding people's perception of this quality of life?

10 Structure 1. Introduction and context 2. Research question 3. Concepts and theses 4. Empirical analysis 5. Conclusion

11 Concepts and theses Precarious prosperity (vulnerability to poverty) n Socio-economic positions adjacent/above the poverty line (60% of the median income) n generally not target of social policies n takes into account deprivations (Townsend 2000) Household strategies to make ends meet depend on n Opportunity structures (welfare regime) n Frame of reference (Wallace 2002; Crow 1989)

12 Concepts Quality of life n General idea of quality of life as proposed by Allardt: having, loving, being (Allardt 1993) n Distinction between quality of life ^ Evaluation of living conditions ^ Scope of agency (Sheldon and Lyubomirsky 2004) n Relative deprivation and adaptive preferences (Fahey 2010; Crettaz 2012) n Spillover effects between different life domains (Bassi, Bacher, Negri and Delle Fave 2012; Drobnic, Beham and Präg 2010)

13 Theses n People in precarious prosperity are an adequate population to study how households are affected by the crisis, as they are generally not target of social policies. Their subjective quality of life is composed of the wellbeing in different life domains. n Households are important for mastery of life. They can buffer or reinforce spillover effects. A minimal extent of mastery of the situation is important for the quality of life. n Households adopt strategies to improve their quality of life, according to opportunity structures (welfare regime), their position within the life course and their frame of reference.

14 Structure 1. Introduction and context 2. Research question 3. Concepts and theses 4. Empirical analysis 5. Conclusion

15 Empirical analysis: data n Data from the SNF financed project A Comparative Perspective on Strategies of Households in Precarious Living Conditions in Four Countries n 25/17 households (screening by means of random selection of telephones) in one city of each country (Lausanne, Pamplona) ^ 1 st interview before the crisis: CH - May to July 2008; ES - Jan. to Feb ^ 2 nd interview: CH - Oct. to Dec. 2009; ES May to July 2010 n Retrospective and prospective data to different life domains

16 Empirical analysis: methods Thematic charts (Ritchie, Spencer and O'Connor 2003) 1. Subjective perception and evaluation of living conditions (orientated to the Stiglitz report 2010): material living standards, education, health, environment, insecurity, personal activities, social connections and relationships, political voice and governance, general well-being 2. Strategies to deal with living conditions and improve life; handling risk (state, market, community, household/ family), reactions to immediate events, long-term investment, prevention 3. Sense, reasoning: personal, social and context issues

17 Empirical analyses: sample Switzerland (2008, 25 HH) Spain (2009, 17HH) Household Single 7 5 Couple 8 4 Family 7 6 Lone parent 2 1 Flat share 1 1 Migration background (at least one household member) 11 6 Main Salary (formal, selfemployed income source* or informal Invalidity Pension 5 2 Old age pension/ 4 7 Widow pension/ Disability pension (Law) Unemployment 2 5 benefits Supplement support from Navarra 4 *Some households in Spain have several income sources with the same importance.

18 Results Spain: importance of the crisis n Almost all households talked about the crisis. n Many fluctuations regarding quality of life among those households that felt affected by the crisis n Not all problems mentioned were related to the crisis, but many problems were accentuated by the crisis.

19 Results Spain: ante-crisis existing problems n Dual labor market: Education does not pay for young people, foreigners or women to find entry into formal labor market. In the end you loose more time seeking for work than really working, you have to move, go to interviews, ( ) interviews that take you nowhere, they say We ll call you soon, but that never happens, that is the way it is (ES14, 2009). n Structural barriers to state support A lot of young people live here, a lot of friends; we help each other out a lot, but state help, honestly, we young people don t fulfill any of the requirements (ES22, 2009).

20 Results Spain: indirect experience of the crisis n Not concerned HH: assured income (stable job, pension), no serious health problems. n Crisis associated with insecurity and difficulties to plan, due to lack of options for agency. n Insecurity and concerns regarding young peoples prospects Imagine yourself at age 28, you do not have a stable job, you both earn together maybe 3000 Euro, but, what happens if in any moment one of you two fail: what security would you have for your children or how could you continue to pay for your house or the rent? (ES11, 2009, stable position in a multinational Company).

21 Results Spain: direct experiences of the crisis n Unemployment brought about strong feelings of powerlessness when no stable, regular income source was available (widow/disability/old-age pension). n Households with independent work are worried about the long-term consequences. n Pre-pensioning can resolve the problem of insecurity or reinforce the financial problems. n Disability, old-age or widow pensions buffered feelings of insecurity

22 Results Spain: reframing, relative deprivation n Reframing The major worry or difficulty is the crisis; we can talk about destruction of employment and the reduction of expenditure, ( ) but you can also be happy about the crisis: It is a way to adjust the excesses that have accumulated (ES13, 2009). n Households with migration background often emphasize how well the Spanish state helps and supports its residents in comparison to their home countries (Peru, Columbia or Ecuador). n Relative deprivation changes The economic crisis did not affect me, as my life continues the same as before, it is simply that it seems as if all of Spain has been put on my level (ES14, 2010).

23 Results Spain and Switzerland: important domains for QoL n Other important life domains: health, stable relationships, sense of life n In general, scope of agency is important for the quality of life (on the real-life level or as a result of reinterpretation and reframing)

24 Results Switzerland: importance of the crisis n Only few Swiss households witness a sinking quality of life during the crisis. n Only few households in Switzerland link their experiences of precariousness directly to the economic crisis.

25 Results Switzerland: HH concerned by the crisis (1) n Particularly concerned professions Well, I had regular mandates that were fairly stable. It stopped overnight because of the crisis, actually (CH4, 2009). n Difficult work situation, no buffering n Spill over to financial problems, other life domains not problematic In my life there is work and not much more (...). We don't live, we survive (CH23, 2008). I don't support this stress any more. I like my job, but I always have to fight to simply receive a salary according to our collective labour agreement (CH4, 2008).

26 Results Switzerland: HH concerned by the crisis (2) n Planning is hindered by the crisis If people have a good salary, if their life is stable, there is no crisis and perhaps they will take taxis (CH19, 2009). n In case of need there are unemployment benefits It is my right to receive unemployment benefits, because I payed my contribution (CH19, 2008).

27 Results Switzerland: other patterns n Health and financial problems (8) My living conditions are rather middling compared to when I really had a salary (CH7, 2008, suffering from mucoviscidosis). I live from day to day (several). n Only financial problems (4) I worry about the future because of finances. I'm afraid of not having enough (CH17, 2008). n Child care and financial problems (4) I feel a bit crushed between my children and my parents and their claims. It's not possible to conciliate all that (CH16, 2008). n No problems (4) I'm very satisfied with my life. I have dreams but I don't have needs (CH1, 2008).

28 Structure 1. Introduction and context 2. Research question 3. Concepts and theses 4. Empirical analysis 5. Conclusion

29 Conclusion Impact on the crisis and welfare regimes n Little change in each country between the 1st and the 2nd wave. More differences between the countries. n The macro situation of the Spanish and the Swiss economic situation is reflected in the quality of life of HH in precarious prosperity: HH perceive the crisis stronger in Spain than in Switzerland, because the welfare state and the market can t respond to their needs. They perceive insecurity and lacking opportunities to plan their life. In Switzerland, most HH rely on the state.

30 Conclusion Similarities between the countries n Independent workers are particularly concerned by the crisis (no buffering). n Disability, old-age or widow pensions buffer feelings of insecurity. n Immigrants that compare the welfare state to their state of origin, evaluate it in a more positive way. n Health, stable relationships and sense of life as important domains for quality of life of households living in precarious prosperity n Reframing in order to improve perceived QoL

31 Conclusion n The analysis provides evidence to support the thesis that households are important for mastery of life, as they buffer or reinforce spillover effects, in particular in times of crisis. n The living conditions in terms of resources, social relationships within the household and in terms of sense in life, as well as the notion of being able to influence the course of one s life (agency), appear important for wellbeing and quality of life. n We clearly identified the notion of framing and relative deprivation (in the complex sense of the concept) appearing to be important for quality of life.

32 n Thank you! n Contact: Rebekka Sieber Monica Budowski Sebastian Schief Department of Sociology, Social Policy and Social Work University of Fribourg, Switzerland rebekka.sieber@unine.ch monica.budowski@unifr.ch sebastian.schief@unifr.ch