UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS. Economics 134 Spring 2018 Professor David Romer LECTURE 19

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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS Economics 134 Spring 2018 Professor David Romer LECTURE 19 INCOME INEQUALITY AND MACROECONOMIC BEHAVIOR APRIL 4, 2018 I. OVERVIEW A. Changes in inequality over the past hundred years B. Understanding the rise in inequality in recent decades 1. The race between education and technology 2. Other factors that may have contributed to the rise in inequality C. The effects of the business cycle on inequality D. Idea #3: Unsustainable credit expansion 1. Reich s version 2. Rajan s version 3. Reich s and Rajan s evidence 4. What other evidence might one want to look at? 5. Were affordable housing programs important? E. Conclusions II. IS INEQUALITY A SOURCE OF RECESSIONS AND/OR FINANCIAL CRISES? A. Competing Views 1. The mainstream view 2. The alternative view B. Idea #1: Inequality and aggregate demand 1. The basic idea 2. Does this help us understand what happened in the 2000s? 3. Does this help us understand the weak recovery? C. Idea #2: Speculation and bubbles 1. The basic idea 2. Reich s evidence 3. What other evidence might one want to look at?

Economics 134 Spring 2018 David Romer LECTURE 19 Income Inequality and Macroeconomic Behavior April 4, 2018

Announcements Hand in Problem Set 3. Suggested answers will be posted on Friday.

I. OVERVIEW

Top 10% Pre-tax Income Share in the US, 1917-2015 50% Top 10% Income Share 45% 40% 35% 30% 25% 1917 1922 1927 1932 1937 1942 1947 1952 1957 1962 1967 1972 1977 1982 1987 1992 1997 2002 2007 2012 Source: Piketty and Saez, 2003 updated to 2015. Series based on pre-tax cash market income including realized capital gains and excluding government transfers.

25% Decomposing Top 10% into 3 Groups, 1913-2015 Share of total income for each group 20% 15% 10% 5% 0% Top 1% (incomes above $443,000 in 2015) Top 5-1% (incomes between $180,500 and $443,000) Top 10-5% (incomes between $124,800 and $180,500) 1913 1918 1923 1928 1933 1938 1943 1948 1953 1958 1963 1968 1973 1978 1983 1988 1993 1998 2003 2008 2013 Source: Piketty and Saez, 2003 updated to 2015. Series based on pre-tax cash market income including realized capital gains and excluding government transfers.

The Race between Education and Technology Technological change tends to increase inequality. Increases in education tend to decrease inequality. In the 1950s and 1960s, the two forces roughly balanced. Starting around 1970, increases in education slowed, so the effects of technological change dominated.

Other Factors that May Have Contributed Somewhat to the Rise in Inequality Weakening unions and falling relative minimum wages. Increases in international trade. Changes in social norms.

Top 10% Pre-tax Income Share in the US, 1917-2015 50% Top 10% Income Share 45% 40% 35% 30% 25% 1917 1922 1927 1932 1937 1942 1947 1952 1957 1962 1967 1972 1977 1982 1987 1992 1997 2002 2007 2012 Source: Piketty and Saez, 2003 updated to 2015. Series based on pre-tax cash market income including realized capital gains and excluding government transfers.

II. IS INEQUALITY A SOURCE OF RECESSIONS AND/OR FINANCIAL CRISES?

Two Views of the Role of Inequality Inequality is important for many things, but it is not central to understanding short-run fluctuations and financial crises High levels of inequality cause recessions and crises.

Idea #1 Because the rich spend a smaller fraction of their income than the poor, inequality leads to inadequate aggregate demand. When income is concentrated in relatively few hands, the overall demand for goods and services shrinks because the very rich do not nearly spend everything they earn. (Reich, p. 32)

Difficulties 1. Low consumption hasn t been a big problem in the U.S. in recent decades!

Consumption as a Share of GDP

Difficulties (continued) 2. Shifts of the IS curve will only affect output temporarily.

The Short-Run Effects of a Rise in Inequality the IS-MP Model r MP 0 r 0 r 1 IS 1 IS 0 Y 1 Y 0 Y Y

The Effects over Time of a Rise in Inequality the IS-MP Model r MP 0 r 0 r r 1 2 MP 2 IS 1 IS 0 Y 1 Y 2 Y 0 Y Y

The Long-Run Effects of a Rise in Inequality the IS-MP Model r MP 0 MP LR r 0 r 1 r LR IS 1 IS 0 Y 1 Y 0,Y LR Y Y

The Short-Run Effects of a Rise in Inequality If the Fed Wants to Offset the Output Effects r MP 0 MP 1 r 0 r 1 IS 1 IS 0 Y 0,Y 1 Y Y

Could Reich s Idea Help Us Understand the Weak Recovery from the Great Recession? When monetary policy is at the zero lower bound, a leftward shift of the IS curve reduces output, and conventional monetary policy and inflation adjustment cannot undo it.

The Short-Run Effects of a Rise in Inequality If Monetary Policy Is at the Zero Lower Bound r MP 0 0 π e 0 Y 1 Y 0 IS 1 Y IS 0

Idea #2 The wealthy make riskier investments. As a result, rising inequality raises the demand for risky assets, and so leads to bubbles. [R]icher Americans used their soaring incomes and access to credit to speculate in a limited range of assets. With so many dollars pursuing the same assets, values exploded. (Reich, p. 23)

What Evidence Does Reich Provide for His Idea? Inequality rose in the 1920s, the 1990s, and the 2000s, and there were bubbles in these periods.

What Other Evidence Could You Get about Reich s Idea? (Examples) What does the evidence from other periods show? Do the wealthy hold riskier assets? Were previous bubbles fueled mainly by demand from the wealthy? Was the housing bubble smaller in countries where inequality was rising more slowly?

Idea #3 Stagnating incomes of the non-rich and rising inequality lead to unsustainable credit expansion.

Two Versions of Idea #3 Reich: Pressure to maintain standards of living and keep up with the wealthy leads the non-rich to take on excessive debt. ( Middle-class consumers took on the huge amount of debt as a last resort [to] keep consuming as if wages hadn t stalled. [p. 64]) Rajan: Politicians take steps to make easy credit available to the non-rich so that their consumption continues to rise. ( Politicians have looked for other ways [than education and redistributive taxation] to improve the lives of their voters. Since the early 1980s, the most seductive answer has been easier credit. [p. 31])

What Evidence Do Reich and Rajan Provide for Their Idea? Broad patterns in the data: saving fell sharply, credit grew rapidly. Policymakers adopted policies to promote homeownership and mortgage lending to broad parts of the population. The housing boom was largest in lower-income areas.

What Other Evidence Could You Get about Reich s and Rajan s Idea? (Examples) Timing. For example: Did credit grow less, or government policies about credit change less, when inequality was not rising? Cross-section. For example: Did credit grow faster in areas where inequality was higher (or where it grew faster)? Did types of credit where policymakers did not push for credit expansion grow more slowly? Demand vs. Supply: Did the cost of obtaining credit rise or fall? Narrative. For example: Did lenders say that affordable housing mandates were affecting their lending decisions?

Growth Rate of Real Mortgage Debt Outstanding

Growth Rate of Real Consumer Credit Outstanding

What Evidence Could You Get Specifically about Rajan s Hypothesis about the Importance of Affordable Housing Goals? (Examples) Do the goals appear to have been an important constraint on lender behavior? The market test: When mortgages that were made pursuant to affordable housing goals were resold, did they sell at big discounts?

The Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission on Affordable Housing Goals We also studied at length how the Department of Housing and Urban Development s (HUD s) affordable housing goals for the GSEs affected their investment in risky mortgages. Based on the evidence and interviews with dozens of individuals involved in this subject area, we determined these goals only contributed marginally to Fannie s and Freddie s participation in those mortgages. (FCIC Report, pp. xxv-xxvii; emphasis added.)

The Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission on Affordable Housing Goals (cont.) In 2003 and 2004, Fannie Mae would have met its [affordable housing] obligations without buying subprime or Alt-A mortgage backed securities. In fact, none of Fannie Mae s 2004 purchases of subprime or Alt-A securities were ever submitted to HUD to be counted toward the goals. (FCIC Report, p. 123.)

The Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission on Affordable Housing Goals (cont.) All but two of the dozens of current and former Fannie Mae employees and regulators interviewed on the subject told the FCIC that reaching the goals was not the primary driver of the GSEs purchases of riskier mortgages and of subprime and Alt-A non-gse mortgage backed securities. (FCIC Report, p. 184)