The Relevance of Women s Unpaid Work to Social Policy in Developing Countries

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The Relevance of Women s Unpaid Work to Social Policy in Developing Countries Shahra Razavi, Research Coordinator, UNRISD UNRISD UNITED NATIONS RESEARCH INSTITUTE FOR SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT

The Ascendance of Social Policy Late 1980s social costs of adjustment Popular discontent with social costs of stabilization and structural adjustment Adjustment with a Human Face 1987 Work on human capital within the World Bank Response: targeting and safety nets Financial crises of the 1990s and social protection Asian financial crisis 1997 G7 requests WB to formulate social principles Response: Social Risk Management; WDR 2000/1 Attacking Poverty Post-Washington Consensus : Rediscovering the social social protection, good governance, participation Global focus on poverty PRSPs and the MDGs embedded liberalism 2004 (WCSDG)

Where is the gender in the social? Welfare state research: work and welfare (esp Esping-Andersen 1990) De-commodification & labour as commodity Unpaid work invisible New policy mindset (EU): Adult worker model (Lewis and Giullari 2005) Assumes gender equality in paid work Assumes commodification of care

Part-Time Employment Rates in OECD Countries, as Percentage of Total Employment (2001) Note: (1) Data for 2000. Source: ILO 2003.

Table 1 Time spent in unpaid and paid work by men and women in two adult families with a child under 5 years old (average hours per day). Men (average for all men) Women (employed full time in paid work) Ratio: Women to Men Unpaid Paid Unpaid Paid Childcare Canada (1998) 4.0 6.3 5.1 5.9 1.4 1.3 United States (1995) 2.5 6.2 4.2 4.9 1.9 1.7 Denmark (1987) 2.3 7.2 4.0 5.4 2.0 1.7 Finland (1987) 2.8 6.1 5.6 3.9 2.8 2.0 Sweden (1991) 3.7 6.4 6.1 3.9 1.9 1.6 Italy (1989) 1.8 6.6 6.4 4.2 2.7 3.6 UK (1995) 3.1 6.3 7.4 3.5 1.4 2.4 Austria (1992) 2.2 6.9 5.8 4.7 2.2 2.6 Gemany (1992) 3.4 6.1 6.2 4.1 2.1 1.8 Netherlands (1985) 2.9 5.2 6.2 1.7 2.4 2.1 Australia (1997) 2.9 6.1 4.6 6.0 1.8 1.6 All unpaid Source: OECD Employment Outlook, Paris: OECD, 2001, Table 4.5, p. 140.

Developmental social policy Productivist welfare capitalism (Holliday 2000) East Asia South Korea, Japan Prioritise education & social insurance for core male workers care provision by family Developmental social welfare South Africa RDP 1994 & White Paper on social welfare 1997 Hierarchy of entitlements (Hassim forthcoming) Public works privileged social assistance (e.g. child support grant) lacks developmental potential Productivist and developmental welfare welfare handouts = disincentives for work effort Unpaid work and care naturalized as something mothers and families do

Social realities forcing unpaid work onto the policy agenda Sub-Saharan Africa HIV/AIDS Region where women carry heavy workloads (paid and unpaid) and responsibilities for care and social provisioning of their children Care burden of HIV/AIDS women, especially grandmothers (ESRF 2004) Call for home-based care and community care In South Africa proposal for community care work to be considered as part of an expanded public works programme (Lund 2005) East Asia fertility decline, population ageing, changing family structures Feminist advocacy (Japan) depicting traditional family as caring hell for women Post-1993 political shifts (Japan) expansion of social care (elderly, child care) and extension of parental leave 1990s economic crisis & political democratization (South Korea) expansion of social welfare

Commercialization of Welfare: Driver of Gender Inequality A perverse trend in welfare provisioning? Social sector restructuring commodification of welfare ( user fees and other charges on public services) exclusion due to inability to pay refamilialization of care intensification of women s unpaid care work BUT Women as providers of unpaid work/care cash constraints exclusion from commodified welfare

Health Sector Reform Health Sector Reform as promoted in SSA has promoted a shift to greater commodification of health care: liberalization of private clinical provision and pharmaceutical sales retreat of government towards a mainly regulatory role + direct provision of some services in public health + responsibility for basic health for the poorest user charges for government health services, for government-provided drugs and supplies, and for community-based health services; decentralisation of health systems to local government control; a shift towards insurance rather than tax-based financing mechanisms. (Mackintosh and Tibandebage forthcoming).

Financing Mechanisms & Social Exclusion Introduction of fees and charges in public health facilities & increasing reliance on private (out of pocket) payment As a response to the exclusionary effects of user charges Promotion of mutual health insurance (MHI) (voluntary schemes) Low participation rates (e.g. Tibandebage 2005 on Tanzania) Financially unsustainable Little space for redistribution and cross-subsidies Promotion of social insurance schemes (employment-based Limited coverage in countries with extensive informal economies Some attempts to extend coverage to informal and independent workers BUT needs government subsidies (e.g. Costa Rica) SSA several countries have SHI (Kenya, Ghana, Mozambique, Tanzania) but limited coverage for women due to their low rates of formal employment

Table 3. Percentage of the labour force that is female, and percentage of the male and female labour force receiving wages or salaries Country Year % labour force female % male labour force waged Ghana 1990 51 33 9 % female labour force waged Ethiopia 2000 41 10 7 Kenya 1995 46 32 12 Nigeria 1995 36 49 33 Tanzania 2000 42 n/a n/a Uganda 1995 48 21 7 Zimbabwe 2000 45 51 22 Zambia 1995 45 31 9 Source: Mackintosh and Tibandebage (from World Bank GenderStats http://devdata.worldbank.org/genderstats, accessed on 27 April 2004 and 24 April 2005.)

Social Insurance Models: China and South Korea China: HSR and Economic Restructuring (1) Sharp decline in female LFP and high unemployment rates (2) Basic Health Insurance Scheme for Urban Workers or Liangjiang Model; promulgated and piloted 1996-1998 (Wang forthcoming) Basic features of the Model are: A public fund personal or individualizsed accounts ( gender-neutral ) three-stage payment system Groups that are covered under the Model are: those in formal employment those with permanent urban residence Excluded groups are: Informal workers Migrants without urban permits Unpaid workers and carers

South Korea: Economic Restructuring and Universalization of NHI (1) Increasing informalization of labour (esp female) after 1997 (2) National Health Insurance (NHI) Basic features of the Model are: Two health insurance funds: wage and salary earners who pay contributions; residence members whose contributions are subsidised by the state 55% of health expenses paid by NHI; 45% by households themselves Groups that are covered under the Model are: those in formal employment those in other kinds of employment All other residents There is redistribution NHI has achieved equitable burden sharing: lower income groups pay less than before while highest income groups are paying more NHI has not improved overall equity because of large out of pocket payment by hhs (Kwon and Tchoe 2005)

Pension Reform: Diverse Models Privatization (the Chilean Model ) as preferred route of IFIs and their domestic allies Chile and later Mexico as front-runners in privatization in LA Resistance in Costa Rica and Brazil Other models include: Provident Fund (e.g. Singapore) Basic residence based pension (e.g. South Africa) Features of privatized and individualized systems that discriminate against women workers (especially unpaid workers): Extensive years of contributions to qualify for minimum pension; 20 years for both women and men in Chile and in Mexico (Brachet-Marquez 2005) Close connection between contributions and benefits (discriminates against those with lower incomes) based on all years of work Life expectancy counts Pressure to retire later

Table 4 Comparison between public and private pension systems in Chile Public pension Private pension system Men Women Men Women Requirements for old-age minimum pension (years) Affiliation 15.3 9.6 0.0 0.0 Contributions 7.7 0.0 20.0 20.0 Retirement ages 65.0 60.0 65.0 60.0 Requirements for the calculation of pensions Salaries Between 10% and 3% of working life (last 5, 3, or 1 years) 100% of the working life Years of contributions Rate of return of pension fund Pension fund commissions Retirement ages Life expectancy 30 or 35 years a 100% of the working life Not considered Not considered Retirement age does not affect level of pensions Not considered, therefore women were favored Considered Considered The higher retirement age the higher level of pension Considered. Insured with long life expectancy (women) get lower benefits Dependents Not considered. Some get an additional year of contribution for each child Considered. Insured with dependents get lower benefits than insured without dependents a For men, this represents 66% or 77% of their working lives. For women, it represents 75% or 88% of their working lives. Source: Arenas de Mesa and Montecinos 1999

South African Old Age Pension (OAP) Non-contributory financed from general revenues Means-tested Women retire at age 60, men 65 Recent research on OAP suggests (Lund forthcoming) It is well-targeted in racial terms (for example it reaches 80% of the African population, most of whom are poor, and an insignificant number of the white population). it is well targeted to rural areas it is well targeted to women, because they live longer, draw the pension earlier, and are poorer it is valued for its reliability it contributes to the security of the households in which elderly people live it contributes to the production of livelihoods of elderly people themselves, and of other and younger family members. Unpaid workers effectively have a guarantee of partial economic security in old age

Family and Child Benefits Mexican anti-poverty and human capability programme Oportunidades Cash stipends given to mothers on behalf of children (for education, health and nutrition) Means-tested but extensive coverage (5 million households by 2005) Programme works through mothers as conduit of policy (Molyneux forthcoming) Regulation of mothers domestic responsibilities Unpaid work required of mothers ( co-responsibility ) Evaluation results Improvements in child education and nutrition Low quality of public services untouched Targeting community tensions and divisions and stigmatization of those selected Unpaid work requirements resented Naturalized motherhood as something women do (Molyneux forthcoming)

South African Child Support Grant Replaced state maintenance grant (overseen by Lund Committee) Coverage extended to majority African population under fiscal restraint Cash grant paid to carer on behalf of child (0-6) Means-tested but extensive coverage (71% of poor children; more than 50% of all children in relevant age group) No unpaid (community) work is required